republished below in full unedited for informational, educational, and research purposes:
Today Infowars investigative journalist Jerome Corsi met with former vice-head of Armed Services Committee and the House Homeland Security Committee, Curt Weldon, to discuss his committees’ deep research into the Clinton technology transfers to Russia in exchange for Clinton Foundation donations. Weldon validated much that is presented in the following article, which is part one of a series of investigative articles coming out over the upcoming week based on intel by Weldon and other sources:
WASHINGTON, D.C. – Congress may want to examine concrete evidence showing Russian President Vladimir Putin paying Hillary Clinton and John Podesta for a long time before the mainstream media goes even more overboard trying to fabricate a tie between Putin and President Donald Trump.
The money trail hunt begins with a document Infowars has obtained from the Russian Central Bank “Registry of Significant Control,” known generally as the “RSC Registry.”
This document traces the ownership of Metcombank, a relatively small Russian-domiciled bank located in the Russian Ural Mountains, to ownership by Viktor Vekselberg, a Russian billionaire with close ties to Putin.
As we shall see this document provides evidence of the circuitous path the Russian government has been using since Hillary Clinton was secretary of state to make large financial payments to John Podesta and to the Clinton Foundation.
Be sure to keep referring to this document to cross-check as you continue reading the article below.
As the RSC Registry makes clear, Vekselberg has been paying Clinton and Podesta through a complicated money laundering scheme involving Metcombank in Russia, with payments tracing back to the Renova Group, a Russian-based energy and investment international conglomerate also owned by Vekselberg.
The funds rediverted to Clinton and Podesta through the Renova Group and Metcombank originate in large part from Rusnano — a state-owned investment fund owned by the Russian government. Conveniently, Vekselberg is a board member for Renova.
The entire scheme involves a Netherlands-listed private company that plays prominently into the international money laundering the Russian government has been conducting through offshore entities in the Cayman Islands, as documented by the Panama Papers.Money laundering schemes created by professional criminals are typically complicated. To begin understanding the RSC registry on Metcombank, note that the bottom box on the chart (second page) makes clear that Vekselberg effectively owns 100 percent of Metcombank.
First, the simple part.
Metcombank appears to be the bank Vekselberg has used to make transfers to the Clinton Foundation, with the money flowing first through the Moscow branch of Metcombank, and from there into Deutsche Bank and Trust Company Americas in New York City, finally ending up in a private bank account in the Bank of America that is operated by the Clinton Foundation.
How Putin paid Podesta is more complicated.
The complication begins when we examine the RSC Registry and realize that Vekselberg owns Metcombank through a series of intermediary companies, starting with the Renova Group, a Russian corporate conglomerate with interests in oil, energy, and telecommunication that lists Vekselberg as chairman of the board.
The Renova Group owns and operates Renova Assets Ltd., a private investment company headquartered in the Bahamas for which Bloomberg lists no key executives, board members, or members of the executive committee.
Conveniently, Vekselberg also has ties to Rusnano, the Russian State Investment Fund, via his ownership and management of the Renova Group in Russia.
In 2011, Vekselberg directed Rusnano to make a $35 million investment into Joule Unlimited, a small Massachusetts-based energy company, owned by Joule Global Holdings, N.V., in the Netherlands, with Joule Global Stichting, the ultimate controlling entity.
The Rusnano investment into Joule Unlimited was made when then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton spearheaded the transfer of U.S. advanced technology to Russia, some with military uses, as part of her “reset” strategy with the country.
Podesta, it turns out, has been paid an undisclosed amount, starting in 2011, for serving on the executive board of Joule Unlimited that he neglected to report to regulatory authorities in the U.S., as well consulting fees from the Wyss Foundation, a group controlled by Swiss billionaire Hansjörg Wyss, an investor in Joule Energy.
In an Aug. 2016 report entitled “From Russia with Money,” the Government Accountability Institute noted that Podesta consulted for a foundation run by one of the investors in Joule Energy, Hansjörg Wyss, who in turn was a major Clinton Foundation donor.
Podesta was evidently paid $87,000 by the Wyss Foundation in 2013, according to federal tax records.
The GAI report also documented the Wyss Charitable Foundation has given between $1 million to $5 million to the Clinton Foundation.
Joule Global Stichting was established in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, on March 14, 2011.
John Podesta joined the Joule Global Stichting’s executive board on June 25, 2011. The Joule Global Stichting is a foundation, but it’s not strictly a foundation in the charitable sense.
A foundation of this type, a Dutch stichting, is a popular means for reducing one’s tax burden, as noted on the website of the Panamanian law firm Mossack Fonseca, which is at the heart of the Panama Papers investigation into offshore banking and money-laundering operations as archived and released by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists.
The Government Accountability Institute concluded that although Podesta is listed on the corporate records, he failed to disclose his membership on the board of Joule Global Stichting in his federal financial disclosure forms when he joined the Obama White House as a senior advisor.
To complete the circle, Vekselberg, the Renova Group, the Skolkovo Foundation, and Hansjörg Wyss all have ties to the Clinton Foundation, either as substantial donors or as participants in the Clinton Global Initiative.
Joule Global Stichting and Joule Global Holdings, N.V., also figure prominently as a client of Mossack Fonseca.